The 2026 Midterms: What the Forecasts Say, What History Suggests for Markets, and How to Talk to Clients

On November 3, voters will decide all 435 House seats and a third of the Senate. With about two and a half weeks to go, the question many clients are asking is whether control of Congress will shift and what that would mean for their money. This post doesn't take a side. It lays out what forecasters and polls currently say, what is on Congress's plate after the election regardless of who wins, and what the historical record does and doesn't tell us about markets.

Where the race stands

The House. Fox News's October power rankings show Democrats with at least 219 seats leaning their way, Republicans with at least 198, and 18 seats as toss-ups, in a chamber where 218 is a majority. The same rankings describe a "good night" for Democrats as roughly 237 seats and for Republicans as roughly 216, which would still be short of a majority. Other forecasters differ at the margins, so treat these as a snapshot rather than a prediction.

The Senate. The picture is tighter. The same rankings place Democrats at 47 seats, Republicans at 47, and six states as toss-ups that will likely decide control.

What the public expects. A Pew Research Center survey of 5,062 adults, conducted September 28 to October 4, found 55% expect Democrats to win the House and 40% expect Republicans to keep it. On the Senate, 48% expect Republicans to keep the majority and 46% expect Democrats to flip it. Expectations track party identification closely: about two-thirds of Democrats expect a Democratic sweep, and about 62% of Republicans expect their party to hold both chambers. Pew notes that these "citizen forecasts" are not standard survey practice, but that the overall results line up with expert race ratings.

Why the historical pattern matters, and why it isn't destiny

The president's party has lost House seats in most midterm elections since World War II, which is the main reason forecasters start from the premise that the party in power faces a headwind. Forecasters commonly build their models around presidential approval and the generic congressional ballot.

But forecasting has a mixed record. Expectations of a large swing in 2022 were followed by a much narrower result than many predicted. Polls can miss, district lines have changed in some states, and a handful of close races in a handful of states can decide Senate control. The honest way to hold these numbers is as probabilities, not outcomes.

The four possible outcomes

Control of the two chambers can combine in four ways. Pew's respondents put it this way: 41% expect Democrats to win both chambers, 34% expect Republicans to win both, 14% expect Democrats to win the House and Republicans the Senate, and 5% expect the reverse.

What each chamber does is structural, not partisan:

  • The House controls committee chairs and investigations, and spending bills traditionally start there.

  • The Senate confirms judges and executive-branch nominees and plays the decisive role in treaties.

  • Divided control generally makes passing major new legislation harder, because both chambers and the president must agree.

What Congress has to deal with first

Here is something that surprises many clients: the current Congress, not the new one, decides several of the biggest items. A Holland & Knight analysis published October 9 lists a crowded year-end calendar:

  • December 11: the temporary funding bill expires, so Congress must pass full-year appropriations, another stopgap, or a combination, with a partial shutdown possible if they don't. Surface transportation programs and the National Flood Insurance Program are tied to the same date.

  • December 31: a set of health-care provisions expire, including a temporary 2.5% Medicare physician payment increase, community health center funding, and TANF.

  • Also in play: the farm bill, the annual defense authorization (enacted for 65 straight years), permitting reform that negotiators are targeting for the post-election session, and a possible year-end tax package. Enhanced ACA premium tax credits have already expired, and restoring them is contested.

In other words, a good deal of year-end policy gets decided in the lame-duck session, whichever party ends up in the majority in January.

What history says about markets, with real caveats

Investors often ask whether the election result matters for stocks. The data from long-run studies suggests the election outcome itself matters less than the uncertainty clearing:

  • A study of 38 midterm elections from 1874 to 2022 found the S&P 500 averaged about a 14% return in the 12 months after a midterm, positive in 84% of cases. Any 12-month period since 1871 averages about 11% and is positive about 73% of the time.

  • The same study found years with divided government afterward averaged about 16% and were positive 91% of the time, versus about 12% and 73% for unified control. J.P. Morgan Research made a similar point in 2022, summarized by one strategist as "the markets like gridlock," on the theory that stalemate keeps existing policy in place. The same firm cited average 12-month returns of roughly 16% after midterm years versus about 5% in non-election years.

There are important limits. These are small samples, and a few extreme years can move the averages a lot. Correlation isn't causation, and a commonly offered explanation is that the uncertainty around an election resolves once the vote is over. The Motley Fool analysis itself recommends focusing on long-term fundamentals rather than election results. And the worst 12-month returns in the data (1906, 1930, and 1902) are a reminder that market outcomes can be driven by far more than who holds the majority.

What this means for client conversations

  • Avoid the prediction game. Forecasts shift weekly. A plan that only works if one party wins isn't a plan.

  • Separate feelings from financial decisions. Clients on every side may feel strongly. Acknowledging that, and then returning to goals, time horizon, and risk tolerance, tends to be the most useful thing an advisor can do. Check your firm's guidance on discussing politics with clients.

  • Focus on dated, specific items. The December 11 funding deadline, expiring health-care provisions, and any year-end tax package are concrete and worth flagging, especially for clients who rely on ACA subsidies, run small businesses with federal contracts, or have tax planning decisions pending.

  • Use history as context, not a signal. The post-midterm pattern is interesting, but it's a tendency in a small sample, not a trading rule.

  • Keep it nonpartisan in writing. Marketing and client communications about elections should describe the range of outcomes, not advocate for one.

As always, this is general information, not a recommendation to buy or sell any security.

Sources

Forecasts and ratings change frequently, so refresh the House and Senate numbers right before you republish this post after 10/21/2026.

Previous
Previous

Europe's Autumn of Unrest: What's Driving It and What It Means for the Euro

Next
Next

The Colorado River at a Crossroads